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Article Neopatrimonial Rule Through Formal Institutions: The Case of Turkey(Cambridge University Press, 2025) Bektas, EdaThis study examines how formal institutions in hybrid regimes, particularly presidentialism, party organization and electoral rules, actively foster and sustain clientelistic networks, leading to particularistic outcomes. While existing literature highlights the weakening of formal institutions and pervasive clientelism as drivers of democratic breakdown, this study uses the concept of neopatrimonialism to analyse how formal institutions themselves consolidate patron-client relationships to maintain power and stability. Focusing on Turkey, the analysis demonstrates that the institutional incentive structure consolidates the president's role as the central ‘patron’, controlling resources and offices, and encourages clientelistic networks to coalesce around the presidency. The discretionary allocation of resources through patron-client relationships sustains neopatrimonial authority as long as clients' loyalty is rewarded. However, this governance increases clients' dependence on the patron, binding them at the expense of representation and responsiveness. The analysis offers insights into how such institutional configurations contribute to authoritarianism and particularistic governance in hybrid regimes. © 2025 Elsevier B.V., All rights reserved.Article Citation - Scopus: 4Legitimation, Co-Optation, and Survival: Why Is Turkey Silent on China’s Persecution of Uyghurs?(Routledge, 2023) Eliküçük Yıldırım,N.China built internment camps officially referred to as training centres within the scope of a policy for countering extremism and terrorism in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in 2017. While the repression imposed by China on Uyghurs in these camps has attracted the response of the international community, there has been neither a public protest nor a meaningful government response to China in Turkey, despite it having been the voice of Uyghurs on international platforms before 2017. This study aims to identify the reasons for Turkey's silence on the persecution of Uyghurs by utilizing the legitimation and co-optation strategies of the authoritarian stability framework. The Turkish government’s legitimation strategies of “rallying around the flag” via anti-Americanism and the economic expectations of China to boost its performance-based legitimacy are evaluated as reasons for the government’s silence on the Uyghur cause. Moreover, it is also discussed how formal and informal co-optation strategies of the government with nationalist and Eurasianist parties are playing a role as a bolstering mechanism of its silence policy on Uyghurs. © 2023 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.Article Citation - WoS: 44Citation - Scopus: 58Europeanisation or De-Europeanisation? Media Freedom in Turkey (1999-2015)(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2016) Yilmaz, GozdeThe European Union (EU) has successfully been exercising its transformative power through both its enlargement and its neighbourhood policies for decades. Nonetheless, transformation towards a more European model of governance through Europeanisation is not a linear process, but a differentiated one. Adverse consequences for Europeanisation (i.e. de-Europeanisation) have often been neglected. The case of media freedom in Turkey, with a deteriorating trend across time, exemplifies such an outcome. This article explores media freedom in Turkey in the last decade. It argues that media reforms have been reversed over time in a de-Europeanising trend, with the EU losing its position as a reference point for reforms.Article Citation - WoS: 6Citation - Scopus: 6On Social Integration Process With Refugees in Turkey: How Can Ngos Be More Effective?(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2021) Seyidov, Ilgar; Seyidov, Ilgar; Seyidov, Ilgar; Public Relations and Advertising; Public Relations and AdvertisingAccording to the statistics of UN, more than 6.5 million people have been internally displaced since the Syrian crisis in 2011. There are also more than 13.1 million people in need in Syria. Approximately 5.6 million people have become refugees in various countries, mostly in Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordan. Among the countries welcoming displaced Syrians, Turkey is at the top, hosting over 3.5 million refugees. Governmental agencies, and I/NGOs (non-governmental organisations) are working together to meet the needs of Syrian refugees in Turkey. In this context, the social integration of refugees into the host community has become prominent. This study is focused on the positive and negative aspects of this social integration process in Turkey. By positive aspect, the positive contributions were meant, on the other hand, negative aspects are used to illustrate the shortcomings of the social integration process. In the research, in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted with the supervisors of refugee- oriented programmes implemented by NGOs. The focus is on the evaluation of social integration and the role of civil society organisations in this process. The main purpose is to discuss the current situation and to elicit different perspectives on the development of social integration process.Article Citation - WoS: 38Citation - Scopus: 43An Unfinished Grassroots Populism: the Gezi Park Protests in Turkey and Their Aftermath(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2015) Ozen, HayriyeFocusing on the Gezi protests, this study addresses two questions: How did a particular struggle against the demolition of a park spontaneously turn into nationwide mass protests? And why was this mobilisation unable to transform itself into a popular counter-hegemonic movement? Drawing on the Laclauian concept of populism, I demonstrate that Gezi mobilised various groups by turning into a symbol of the repressive responses of the hegemonic power to various social demands. This popular mobilisation could not go beyond a conjunctural experience due to its inability to unify heterogeneous protesters and to respond effectively to the counter-strategies of the hegemonic power.Article Citation - WoS: 12Citation - Scopus: 13Are Gender-Neutral Pronouns Really Neutral? Testing a Male Bias in the Grammatical Genderless Languages Turkish and Finnish(Sage Publications inc, 2023) Renstrom, Emma A.; Lindqvist, Anna; Akbas, Gulcin; Hekanaho, Laura; Senden, Marie GustafssonLanguages differ in how grammatically salient gender is. We explored if grammatically gender-neutral pronouns in Finnish and Turkish, two grammatically genderless languages, are gender neutral or male biased, thereby activating male, rather than female, exemplars. We also tested whether differences in national level gender equality influence the male bias. Results indicated a male bias in both languages, whereas national level gender equality had no influence. Implications for gender-fair language reforms in grammatically genderless languages are discussed.Article Citation - WoS: 11Citation - Scopus: 16Overcoming Environmental Challenges by Antagonizing Environmental Protesters: the Turkish Government Discourse Against Anti-Hydroelectric Power Plants Movements(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2014) Ozen, HayriyeDue to the growing public importance of environmental concerns in the contemporary world, governments that prioritize economic interests over environmental concerns may try to counter environmental challenges not by openly declaring that they do not want to consider environmental demands, but by attempting to antagonize the protesters who voice such demands. This essay explores such a governmental response by analyzing the discourse articulated by the Turkish Government against movements that oppose the construction of hydroelectric power plants (HEPPs) on environmental grounds. In particular, the analysis focuses on how HEPPs, environmental claims and demands of movements, and environmental protesters are represented within the pro-HEPP discourse, and in what ways these representations appeal to popular perceptions. It is demonstrated that the discourse of the government attempts to counter the challenges of protesters by establishing an antagonist relation between the protesters and society by representing HEPPs as crucial for the economic development and, therefore, as compatible with the interests of society as a whole. Moreover, it also attempts to achieve this through portraying the protesters as criminals and terrorists who block the economic development of the country and pose significant threats to the commonwealth, not for legitimate environmental concerns but for some dubious motives and incentives. It is concluded that, with this approach, the government has managed to gain popular consent not only for the construction of HEPPs, but also for the repression of such movements.Article Citation - WoS: 6Citation - Scopus: 4Latent Dynamics of Movement Formation: the Kurdish Case in Turkey (1940s-1960s)(Sage Publications Ltd, 2015) Ozen, HayriyeThe attention of social movement studies has so far tended to focus on visible phases of movements, neglecting latent ones. This study argues that invisible mobilizations may be critical in preparing the groundwork of public mobilizations, particularly in authoritarian contexts. Using a process-oriented constructivist account of mobilization which incorporates insights from resistance studies, this article analyzes the Kurdish case in Turkey in the authoritarian 1940s and semi-authoritarian 1950s. Based on in-depth interviews, memoirs, newspaper reports, and official documents, it is demonstrated that a latent Kurdish dissent emerged in this period through the constitution of a sense of shared grievance and common identity both in hidden ways within the submerged networks of Kurdish students and professionals, and in public and visible, yet disguised, ways. Incubating the movement out of the gaze of the authorities within the authoritarian context, this latent dissent formed the groundwork of public acts of defiance and mobilization which emerged towards the end of the 1950s as the political changes encouraged Kurdish dissenters to publicly declare their opposition, and expanded in the more liberal context of the 1960s. Resume Les etudes des mouvements sociaux ont eu tendance jusqu'a present a privilegier les phases visibles de ces mouvements, negligeant les stades latents. Cette etude soutient que les mobilisations invisibles peuvent etre essentielles pour preparer le terrain des mobilisations publiques, en particulier dans un contexte autoritaire. En s'appuyant sur une interpretation constructiviste, axee sur le processus de mobilisation et reunissant des idees tirees des etudes des mouvements de resistance, cet article analyse le cas kurde dans la Turquie autoritaire des annees quarante et semi-autoritaire des annees cinquante. Fonde sur des entretiens approfondis, des biographies, des articles de journaux et des documents officiels, ce travail met en evidence l'apparition au cours de cette periode d'une dissidence kurde latente grace a la constitution d'un sentiment partage de mecontentement et d'identite commune au sein des reseaux secrets des etudiants et professionnels kurdes, de facon a la fois invisible et publique, mais dissimulee. Couvant a l'abri des regards des gouvernements autoritaires, cette dissidence latente a pose les bases des manifestations publiques de defiance et de mobilisation qui sont apparues a la fin des annees cinquante a l'occasion des changements politiques ayant encourage les dissidents kurdes a declarer publiquement leur opposition et favorise les mouvements sociaux dans le contexte plus liberal des annees soixante. Resumen La atencion de los estudios sobre movimientos sociales hasta ahora ha tendido a centrarse en las fases visibles de los movimientos, dejando de lado los latentes. Este estudio sostiene que las movilizaciones invisibles pueden ser centrales para la preparacion de las bases de movilizaciones publicas, en particular en contextos autoritarios. A partir de un relato constructivista orientado a los procesos de movilizacion que incorpora perspectivas de estudios de resistencia, este trabajo analiza el caso kurdo en Turquia en la decada autoritaria de 1940 y semi-autoritaria de 1950. Sobre la base de entrevistas en profundidad, memorias, informes de prensa y documentos oficiales, se demuestra que una disidencia kurda latente surgio en este periodo a traves de la constitucion de un sentimiento de agravio compartida y de identidad comun tanto en formas ocultas dentro de las redes sumergidas de estudiantes y profesionales kurdos, asi como de maneras publicos y visibles, aunque disfrazadas. Incubando el movimiento fuera de la mirada de las autoridades en el contexto autoritario, esta disidencia latente formo las bases del acto publico de rebeldia y movilizacion que surgio a finales de la decada de 1950 como los cambios politicos alentados disidentes kurdos para declarar publicamente su oposicion, y ampliado en el contexto mas liberal de la decada de 1960.Review Citation - WoS: 71Citation - Scopus: 87Vision 2023: Assessing the Feasibility of Electricity and Biogas Production From Municipal Solid Waste in Turkey(Pergamon-elsevier Science Ltd, 2013) Melikoglu, MehmetTurkey imports most of its energy. However, according to the recently avowed Vision 2023 agenda the country also plans to produce 30% of its electricity demand from renewable energy sources by 2023. Meanwhile, each year around 25 million tonnes of municipal solid waste (MSW) is generated nationwide. Not only MSW pollutes the environment handling, processing and storage requires precious labour and capital. In that context, a synergistic solution can be created between MSW management and energy supply. In this study, economics and environmental impacts of electricity generation from MSW via (i) direct combustion and (ii) biogas harnessing in 81 cities of Turkey is analysed in detail for a period between 2012 and 2023. Firstly, it is estimated that nationwide 8500 GWh of electricity could have been generated by direct combustion of MSW in 2012. This is predicted to rise 9700 GWh in 2023. It is calculated that 3100 million m(3) of methane would be emitted from the landfills of Turkey in 2012. If no action taken this would rise to 3600 million m(3) in 2023. Furthermore, it is estimated that by capturing 25% of this methane via landfill bioreactors 2900 GWh or 0.5% of Turkey's annual electricity demand could be supplied in 2023. Simulations also showed that by realizing apposite landfill investments by 2023 annual energy savings worth 200-900 million (sic) could be generated from MSW. Consequently, this could lead to greenhouse gas emission savings up to 11.0 million tonnes of CO2 per annum. (C) 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.Review Citation - WoS: 44Citation - Scopus: 43Profiling Infectious Diseases in Turkey After the Influx of 3.5 Million Syrian Refugees(Elsevier Sci Ltd, 2020) Ergonul, O.; Tulek, N.; Kayi, I; Irmak, H.; Erdem, O.; Dara, M.Background: Since 2011, the conflict in Syria has led to over five million refugees. Turkey hosts the highest number of Syrian refugees in the world. By February 2019 over 3.6 million people had fled to Turkey to seek safety. Only 6.1% of Syrian refugees live in temporary shelters. Owing to the disrupted healthcare services, many children coming from the conflict zones are less likely to have received vaccination. In temporary shelters immunization coverage is >95% and the refugee population is receptive to vaccination. Aims: The objective of this study was to review the infectious diseases situation among Syrian refugees in Turkey. Sources: We have reviewed the reports and studies provided by the governmental and non-governmental organizations and obtained more detailed data from the Ministry of Health in Turkey. Content: Between 2012 and 2016, 1 299 209 cases of respiratory tract infection and 158 058 episodes of diarrhoea with 59 bloody diarrhoeas were reported; 1354 hepatitis A cases and 108 active tuberculosis cases were detected and treated in the temporary shelters for Syrian refugees. Overall in Turkey, 7794 cutaneous leishmaniasis have been reported. Implications: Since the influx of Syrian refugees, there has been an increase in cases of leishmaniasis and measles. No significant increase was detected for tuberculosis, other vector-borne infections, and healthcare associated or sexually transmitted infections. The Syrian refugees can be considered as a vulnerable group in Turkey due to their living and working conditions. Based on available data and our detailed analysis, the numbers show a stable situation regarding infectious diseases. (C) 2019 European Society of Clinical Microbiology and Infectious Diseases. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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