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Article Citation - Scopus: 4Legitimation, Co-Optation, and Survival: Why Is Turkey Silent on China’s Persecution of Uyghurs?(Routledge, 2023) Eliküçük Yıldırım,N.China built internment camps officially referred to as training centres within the scope of a policy for countering extremism and terrorism in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in 2017. While the repression imposed by China on Uyghurs in these camps has attracted the response of the international community, there has been neither a public protest nor a meaningful government response to China in Turkey, despite it having been the voice of Uyghurs on international platforms before 2017. This study aims to identify the reasons for Turkey's silence on the persecution of Uyghurs by utilizing the legitimation and co-optation strategies of the authoritarian stability framework. The Turkish government’s legitimation strategies of “rallying around the flag” via anti-Americanism and the economic expectations of China to boost its performance-based legitimacy are evaluated as reasons for the government’s silence on the Uyghur cause. Moreover, it is also discussed how formal and informal co-optation strategies of the government with nationalist and Eurasianist parties are playing a role as a bolstering mechanism of its silence policy on Uyghurs. © 2023 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.Article Citation - WoS: 4Citation - Scopus: 5Forecasting Turkish Local Elections(Elsevier, 2012) Toros, EmreThe literature on political forecasting is large, although the main focus of this literature is limited to a number of countries. Nevertheless, and despite the major differences between political systems, scientific forecasting work has proved to be broadly possible, with noteworthy extensions to new countries. This article extends the literature further by developing a new forecasting model for local elections in Turkey. The basic motivation of this article is to test the usefulness of political forecasting in the contexts of alternative democratic settings. Turkey, in that sense, seems to be an interesting case for a number of reasons. First, the Turkish Republic has been a multi-party democracy since the mid-1940s. Although it has been interrupted by three military coups, the party and election system in Turkey has brought real alternations in the government starting from very early years of the multi-party system. So, it is plausible to argue that Turkish voters have the tradition of evaluating the performances of political parties, as in any other Western-type democracy. That is to say, the dynamics of evaluations of political parties in Turkey follow a similar pattern to other contemporary democracies, being driven by economic and political forces. The main contribution of this analysis is the introduction of an explicit model, which can forecast the impact of economic and political variables across local elections in Turkey by using reliable, public, and macro-level data. In particular, this study offers a new forecasting model which tries to forecast the Justice and Development Party's (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AKP) vote share in 81 cities. (C) 2012 International Institute of Forecasters. Published by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.Article The Weak Link in the Chain: The (Surprisingly) Loose Ties Between Migrant Women and Women's Organizations in Turkey(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2026) Gencoglu, Funda; Ozgur Keysan, AsumanThis article examines the fragmented solidarities between women's organizations and Syrian migrant women in Turkey, focusing on & Idot;stanbul, Gaziantep, and & Idot;zmir, the cities with the highest concentrations of Syrian migrants. Drawing on semi-structured interviews conducted with representatives from 25 women's organizations, the study investigates why feminist solidarity has remained elusive despite the shared gendered vulnerabilities of migrant women and Turkish women. The findings reveal that women's organizations are divided in their approaches to migrant women due to differing conceptualizations of the state, intersectionality, and traditional gender roles, as well as the cultural and socio-economic heterogeneity of Syrian women. These divisions are further compounded by structural constraints that limit opportunities for engagement and reinforce exclusionary attitudes. By situating these dynamics within the broader context of transnational feminist debates, the article argues that feminist solidarity is not a given but a contested and context-dependent process that requires active efforts to bridge divides. The study contributes to scholarship on migration and feminist solidarity by foregrounding the intersecting dimensions of gender, class, ethnicity, and state-civil society dynamics, emphasizing the need for rights-based, transformative solidarities over charity-based approaches. The article concludes with implications for feminist politics, migration policy, and pathways for future research, offering insights into fostering inclusive solidarities in global migration contexts.Article Citation - WoS: 45Citation - Scopus: 58Europeanisation or De-Europeanisation? Media Freedom in Turkey (1999-2015)(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2016) Yilmaz, GozdeThe European Union (EU) has successfully been exercising its transformative power through both its enlargement and its neighbourhood policies for decades. Nonetheless, transformation towards a more European model of governance through Europeanisation is not a linear process, but a differentiated one. Adverse consequences for Europeanisation (i.e. de-Europeanisation) have often been neglected. The case of media freedom in Turkey, with a deteriorating trend across time, exemplifies such an outcome. This article explores media freedom in Turkey in the last decade. It argues that media reforms have been reversed over time in a de-Europeanising trend, with the EU losing its position as a reference point for reforms.Article Citation - WoS: 38Citation - Scopus: 43An Unfinished Grassroots Populism: the Gezi Park Protests in Turkey and Their Aftermath(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2015) Ozen, HayriyeFocusing on the Gezi protests, this study addresses two questions: How did a particular struggle against the demolition of a park spontaneously turn into nationwide mass protests? And why was this mobilisation unable to transform itself into a popular counter-hegemonic movement? Drawing on the Laclauian concept of populism, I demonstrate that Gezi mobilised various groups by turning into a symbol of the repressive responses of the hegemonic power to various social demands. This popular mobilisation could not go beyond a conjunctural experience due to its inability to unify heterogeneous protesters and to respond effectively to the counter-strategies of the hegemonic power.Article Citation - WoS: 4Citation - Scopus: 9Post-Truth Politics in the 2017 Euro-Turkish Crisis(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2019) Yilmaz, GozdeThe year 2017 constituted a period of deep crisis and mutual distrust in relations between Turkey and Europe. During the referendum campaign on a proposed change to the constitution, the Turkish government reacted harshly to European countries that prohibited politicians campaigning in their territories. The key members of the ruling Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi - AKP) also met the European response with enmity. A detailed analysis of the discourse of the AKP's key cadre during the 2017 crisis reveals element of a new phenomenon which is emerging in the politics of many countries: post-truth.Article Citation - WoS: 11Citation - Scopus: 16Overcoming Environmental Challenges by Antagonizing Environmental Protesters: the Turkish Government Discourse Against Anti-Hydroelectric Power Plants Movements(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2014) Ozen, HayriyeDue to the growing public importance of environmental concerns in the contemporary world, governments that prioritize economic interests over environmental concerns may try to counter environmental challenges not by openly declaring that they do not want to consider environmental demands, but by attempting to antagonize the protesters who voice such demands. This essay explores such a governmental response by analyzing the discourse articulated by the Turkish Government against movements that oppose the construction of hydroelectric power plants (HEPPs) on environmental grounds. In particular, the analysis focuses on how HEPPs, environmental claims and demands of movements, and environmental protesters are represented within the pro-HEPP discourse, and in what ways these representations appeal to popular perceptions. It is demonstrated that the discourse of the government attempts to counter the challenges of protesters by establishing an antagonist relation between the protesters and society by representing HEPPs as crucial for the economic development and, therefore, as compatible with the interests of society as a whole. Moreover, it also attempts to achieve this through portraying the protesters as criminals and terrorists who block the economic development of the country and pose significant threats to the commonwealth, not for legitimate environmental concerns but for some dubious motives and incentives. It is concluded that, with this approach, the government has managed to gain popular consent not only for the construction of HEPPs, but also for the repression of such movements.Review Citation - WoS: 45Citation - Scopus: 44Profiling Infectious Diseases in Turkey After the Influx of 3.5 Million Syrian Refugees(Elsevier Sci Ltd, 2020) Ergonul, O.; Tulek, N.; Kayi, I; Irmak, H.; Erdem, O.; Dara, M.Background: Since 2011, the conflict in Syria has led to over five million refugees. Turkey hosts the highest number of Syrian refugees in the world. By February 2019 over 3.6 million people had fled to Turkey to seek safety. Only 6.1% of Syrian refugees live in temporary shelters. Owing to the disrupted healthcare services, many children coming from the conflict zones are less likely to have received vaccination. In temporary shelters immunization coverage is >95% and the refugee population is receptive to vaccination. Aims: The objective of this study was to review the infectious diseases situation among Syrian refugees in Turkey. Sources: We have reviewed the reports and studies provided by the governmental and non-governmental organizations and obtained more detailed data from the Ministry of Health in Turkey. Content: Between 2012 and 2016, 1 299 209 cases of respiratory tract infection and 158 058 episodes of diarrhoea with 59 bloody diarrhoeas were reported; 1354 hepatitis A cases and 108 active tuberculosis cases were detected and treated in the temporary shelters for Syrian refugees. Overall in Turkey, 7794 cutaneous leishmaniasis have been reported. Implications: Since the influx of Syrian refugees, there has been an increase in cases of leishmaniasis and measles. No significant increase was detected for tuberculosis, other vector-borne infections, and healthcare associated or sexually transmitted infections. The Syrian refugees can be considered as a vulnerable group in Turkey due to their living and working conditions. Based on available data and our detailed analysis, the numbers show a stable situation regarding infectious diseases. (C) 2019 European Society of Clinical Microbiology and Infectious Diseases. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.Article Citation - WoS: 13Citation - Scopus: 13Are Gender-Neutral Pronouns Really Neutral? Testing a Male Bias in the Grammatical Genderless Languages Turkish and Finnish(Sage Publications inc, 2023) Renstrom, Emma A.; Lindqvist, Anna; Akbas, Gulcin; Hekanaho, Laura; Senden, Marie GustafssonLanguages differ in how grammatically salient gender is. We explored if grammatically gender-neutral pronouns in Finnish and Turkish, two grammatically genderless languages, are gender neutral or male biased, thereby activating male, rather than female, exemplars. We also tested whether differences in national level gender equality influence the male bias. Results indicated a male bias in both languages, whereas national level gender equality had no influence. Implications for gender-fair language reforms in grammatically genderless languages are discussed.Review Citation - WoS: 71Citation - Scopus: 88Vision 2023: Assessing the Feasibility of Electricity and Biogas Production From Municipal Solid Waste in Turkey(Pergamon-elsevier Science Ltd, 2013) Melikoglu, MehmetTurkey imports most of its energy. However, according to the recently avowed Vision 2023 agenda the country also plans to produce 30% of its electricity demand from renewable energy sources by 2023. Meanwhile, each year around 25 million tonnes of municipal solid waste (MSW) is generated nationwide. Not only MSW pollutes the environment handling, processing and storage requires precious labour and capital. In that context, a synergistic solution can be created between MSW management and energy supply. In this study, economics and environmental impacts of electricity generation from MSW via (i) direct combustion and (ii) biogas harnessing in 81 cities of Turkey is analysed in detail for a period between 2012 and 2023. Firstly, it is estimated that nationwide 8500 GWh of electricity could have been generated by direct combustion of MSW in 2012. This is predicted to rise 9700 GWh in 2023. It is calculated that 3100 million m(3) of methane would be emitted from the landfills of Turkey in 2012. If no action taken this would rise to 3600 million m(3) in 2023. Furthermore, it is estimated that by capturing 25% of this methane via landfill bioreactors 2900 GWh or 0.5% of Turkey's annual electricity demand could be supplied in 2023. Simulations also showed that by realizing apposite landfill investments by 2023 annual energy savings worth 200-900 million (sic) could be generated from MSW. Consequently, this could lead to greenhouse gas emission savings up to 11.0 million tonnes of CO2 per annum. (C) 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
