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Article Citation - WoS: 2Citation - Scopus: 2Narcissism and Political Left-Right Orientation in View of Basic Human Values: a Sample of Faculty of Management Students From Turkey(Ural Federal Univ Publishing Center, 2022) Selcuk, Fatma Ulku; Gungor, Nil DemetA growing number of studies investigate the relationship between narcissism and political orientation. This study uses an undergraduate sample from Turkey to explore this relation for a relatively understudied population. Given findings that link basic human values to narcissism and to political orientation, we also investigate the possibility of a mediating role for human values in this relation. Leftwing orientation is weakly and negatively correlated with narcissism and with narcissism's self-sufficiency dimension. In multinomial logistic regression, we find that the odds of placing oneself in the extreme right position verses moderate left position increases as narcissism increases. The effect of narcissism on political orientation appears fragile, however, when this relation is controlled for self-esteem, sex, and human values. Among Schwartz's basic human values, tradition turns out to be a stronger predictor of political orientation than narcissism and mediation is supported only for the values tradition and universalism. We find a positive indirect effect of narcissism on leftwing orientation through the value tradition and a negative indirect effect on leftwing orientation through the value universalism.Article Citation - WoS: 1The Socio-Economic Impact of the Covid-19 Pandemic on Syrian Refugees in Turkey(Uluslararasi Iliskiler Konseyi dernegi, 2024) Memisoglu, Fulya; Ozkil, Altan; Kilinc, TunaBuilding upon empirical research, this study examines the socio-economic impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on Syrian refugees in Turkey by analyzing its implications on employment, livelihood opportunities, and social cohesion. More specifically, it focuses on the experiences of Syrian refugees to examine the ways in which they exert their agency to cope with the structural constraints when faced with 'multiple crises' in host countries, intersecting with the dynamics of a 'normalized refugee crisis'. Our findings from fieldwork conducted in the top six refugee-hosting cities reveal that loss of jobs, limited access to decent work, increased dependency on external financial assistance, and social exclusion have been some of the most acute effects of the pandemic on refugees. Meanwhile, the perceived effects that refugees have on the host community's welfare trigger problems that impede social cohesion. All in all, the study intends to highlight the far-reaching effects of the pandemic beyond its direct health implications by addressing the structural vulnerability of refugees and the importance of providing an enabling environment for socio-economic self-reliance.Article Citation - WoS: 2Citation - Scopus: 2Social and Economic Indicators of Household Income in Turkey: Does Ethnicity Matter?(Springer, 2018) Toros, Emre; Cilasun, Seyit; Toros, AykutIn Turkey, the GDP per capita of eastern regions, where the Kurdish population is dense, is significantly lower than that of the rest of the country. The aim of this paper is to provide a quantitative analysis to investigate the contribution of household characteristics and regional disparities on racial/ethnic inequalities in household income, particularly across Turks and Kurds. Based on the results of regression-based decomposition analyses, there exist significant income differences between Turks and Kurds. However, this difference significantly diminishes if the household head is working. It is also observed that the household income increases with education, while decreases with migration and being settled in economically disadvantaged regions. Results also indicate that differential returns to Turks and Kurds on observable characteristics are lower in higher income quintilesArticle Citation - WoS: 13Citation - Scopus: 15Build-Operate Projects as a Hybrid Mode of Market Entry: the Case of Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge in Istanbul(Elsevier Science Bv, 2018) Uner, M. Mithat; Cavusgil, Erin; Cavusgil, S. TamerBOT (Build- Operate-Transfer) projects are well known to sponsors and contractors of mega infrastructure projects around the world. The massive scale and long-term time frame of these construction projects require non-traditional business relationships among the sponsors, prime contractors, sub-contractors, and a host of other vendors. The BOT model is typically sought by local and national governments that cannot independently finance complex mega projects. A BOT deal refers to a large-scale project where the sponsor (typically a governmental agency) contracts with a prime contractor, that assumes the responsibility for completing the construction and operating it for a predetermined period, before turning ownership back over to the sponsor. During this predetermined period, the contractor can recoup its investment through its operations and/or through a guaranteed rate of return from the sponsor. This paper reports on such a project - the case of Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge, the third bridge linking Asia and Europe in Istanbul, a sprawling metropolis of roughly 15 million people. The bid also called for the construction of the connecting highways. It was initiated in 2012 and was completed in 2016. Named after a celebrated Ottoman Sultan, the bridge is widely acknowledged to address a much-needed infrastructure project for Istanbul. We detail BOT projects - rarely discussed in the IB literature - as a hybrid mode of international market entry, with unique features, benefits, and risks. The insights offered in this manuscript were gathered from a series of unstructured interviews with senior executives of the prime contractors.Article Citation - WoS: 3Citation - Scopus: 5Social Media Use and Political Participation: the Turkish Case(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2022) Toros, Secil; Toros, EmreThe freedom of media is an essential component for democratic settings; however, in some contexts, citizens experience several barriers to enjoy this right in full. Replacing conventional media channels, social media is becoming an indispensable medium to express and discuss politics in such environments. Yet, there is little consensus in the literature about how social media relates to offline political participation, especially in settings where citizens do not experience media freedom in full. By using survey data that has been collected after the Turkish general election of 2018, this article aims to display the relationship between social media use and offline political participation. The analysis reveals offline political participation is related to sharing political views online and exposure to alternative political ideas.Article Citation - WoS: 4Europeanization of Turkey and LGBTI Rights(Ankara Univ European Union Research Centre, 2020) Yilmaz, GozdeThe European Union (EU) has established an advanced regime for non-discrimination and LGBTI rights have been included within this regime. EU candidate states are expected to be a part of this regime and launch Europeanizing reforms in the area. While, as an EU candidate state, Turkey is not immune from this, LGBTI rights have remained an area without any reform in the 2000s and even an area full with discrimination experiences. This article examines why there emerged no reforms during the increasing Europeanizing reforms in Turkey in the 2000s. The main argument is that the reasons of inertia in LGBTI rights in the 2000s' Turkey are the incapability of the EU for driving reforms and the negative mindset of the AKP regarding LGBTI-related issues.Article Citation - WoS: 22Citation - Scopus: 26An Empirical Analysis of Household Education Expenditures in Turkey(Pergamon-elsevier Science Ltd, 2016) Acar, Elif Oznur; Gunalp, Burak; Cilasun, Seyit MuminUsing Turkish Household Budget Surveys from 2003, 2007 and 2012, this paper investigates the determinants of household education expenditures within an Engel curve framework. In particular, we estimate Tobit regressions of real educational expenditures by income groups using a number of household characteristics (i.e. rural residence, employment status, age, educational attainment of the household head, household size, share of female students and primary school students in the household, and total number of students in the household) to examine if and to what extent the determinants of educational expenditures differ by income groups; income elasticities of educational spending evolves over time; and children from middle-class and poor families can benefit enough from educational opportunities. The estimated expenditure elasticities have lower values for the top- and the bottom income quartiles while they have larger values for the middle-income quartiles. The results also show that for all income groups the expenditure elasticity of education increases over time, indicating that Turkish households allocates greater share of their budgets to education expenditures. (C) 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.Article A Factory in a Time of Turmoil: The Establishment and Engineering of the Büyükdere Match Factory in 1930s Istanbul(MDPI, 2025) Tunc, Gokhan; Tunc, Tanfer EminThe Republic of Turkey established its first match factory in Sinop in 1929 but had to relocate it even before it was in operation due to severe structural damage caused by ground settlement. In July 1930, through his US-based firm the American-Turkish Investment Corporation (ATIC), the Swedish "Match King" Ivar Kreuger signed a contract with the Republic of Turkey to build and operate a factory in B & uuml;y & uuml;kdere, Istanbul. By 1930, Kreuger had already established a match production monopoly in nearly every country in Europe and that year created a similar financial system for Turkey, gaining control of match production for 25 years. This article explains the events surrounding the establishment of his modern production facility in Turkey, with a particular focus on its engineering aspects. It details the strategically chosen location, the engineering solutions for the factory's construction, its production lines, and what the country gained and lost from it. In order to determine the establishment and production processes of the facility, the authors examined domestic and foreign archival documents, firsthand news reports from the period, articles and theses, and all other available documents. After the contract was terminated by both parties, the Turkish government and ATIC, in May 1943, the factory continued its production and storage activities until May 1989. At that point, the factory and all its equipment were integrated into another existing facility in the & Idot;neg & ouml;l district of Bursa province. Almost all the buildings of the B & uuml;y & uuml;kdere Match Factory were demolished, and the land was repurposed for a 450-bed regional hospital in 2012. In short, this article deploys the B & uuml;y & uuml;kdere Match Factory as a case study to examine what Turkey gained and lost from the establishment and production processes of a modern industrial factory, enabled by US-Turkish collaboration, and equipped with the most advanced manufacturing and engineering technologies of the time.Article Neopatrimonial Rule Through Formal Institutions: The Case of Turkey(Cambridge University Press, 2025) Bektas, EdaThis study examines how formal institutions in hybrid regimes, particularly presidentialism, party organization and electoral rules, actively foster and sustain clientelistic networks, leading to particularistic outcomes. While existing literature highlights the weakening of formal institutions and pervasive clientelism as drivers of democratic breakdown, this study uses the concept of neopatrimonialism to analyse how formal institutions themselves consolidate patron-client relationships to maintain power and stability. Focusing on Turkey, the analysis demonstrates that the institutional incentive structure consolidates the president's role as the central ‘patron’, controlling resources and offices, and encourages clientelistic networks to coalesce around the presidency. The discretionary allocation of resources through patron-client relationships sustains neopatrimonial authority as long as clients' loyalty is rewarded. However, this governance increases clients' dependence on the patron, binding them at the expense of representation and responsiveness. The analysis offers insights into how such institutional configurations contribute to authoritarianism and particularistic governance in hybrid regimes. © 2025 Elsevier B.V., All rights reserved.Article Citation - WoS: 5Citation - Scopus: 7Analyzing Two Decades of Intimate Partner Femicide-Suicides in T?rkiye*(Elsevier Sci Ltd, 2023) Cavlak, Mehmet; Odabasi, Aysun Balseven; Mutlu, Niluefer Dilara Ar; Erbaydar, Nueket Paksoy; Balseven Odabaşı, Aysun; Ar Mutlu, Nilüfer Dilara; Paksoy Erbaydar, NüketIntimate partner femicide-suicide (IPF-S) is an understudied subgroup of homicide-suicide deaths. Limited research has been conducted on IPF-Ss in the Eastern Mediterranean region. This study thus aimed to evaluate the characteristics of IPF-Ss that occurred in Turkiye between 2000 and 2019. IPF-Ss (n = 226) were extracted from electronic news stories. Data on victims, perpetrators, their relationships, and incidents of murder and suicide were collected. Descriptive statistics were calculated, and logistic regression analysis, mortality rates, and proportion of IPF-S in femicide calculations were conducted, showing that 13.3% of the femicides (n = 1699) were IPF-Ss. The IPF-Ss increased in 5-year intervals and were the highest during the 2015-2019 period (62.5%). Victims were married in 48.2% of the cases and 56% were aged <35 years, while 51.3% of the perpetrators were married and 52.6% were aged >40 years. In 42.0% of the cases, the perpetrator lived with the victim. Most (79.2%) of the cases took place in urban settlements, and the perpetrators used firearms in 84.1% of femicide cases. Firearm use was the most common method in cases where IPF-S was planned (OR = 2.98), when the IPF-S method was the same (OR = 29.6), and when the perpetrator committed suicide (OR = 7.82). In addition, it was found that firearm ownership is an important risk factor for IPF-S in Turkiye. Therefore, we recommend legislation to restrict firearms, as well as new measures to prevent illegal access to weapons.
