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Article Citation - Scopus: 4Legitimation, Co-Optation, and Survival: Why Is Turkey Silent on China’s Persecution of Uyghurs?(Routledge, 2023) Eliküçük Yıldırım,N.China built internment camps officially referred to as training centres within the scope of a policy for countering extremism and terrorism in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in 2017. While the repression imposed by China on Uyghurs in these camps has attracted the response of the international community, there has been neither a public protest nor a meaningful government response to China in Turkey, despite it having been the voice of Uyghurs on international platforms before 2017. This study aims to identify the reasons for Turkey's silence on the persecution of Uyghurs by utilizing the legitimation and co-optation strategies of the authoritarian stability framework. The Turkish government’s legitimation strategies of “rallying around the flag” via anti-Americanism and the economic expectations of China to boost its performance-based legitimacy are evaluated as reasons for the government’s silence on the Uyghur cause. Moreover, it is also discussed how formal and informal co-optation strategies of the government with nationalist and Eurasianist parties are playing a role as a bolstering mechanism of its silence policy on Uyghurs. © 2023 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.Article Health Beliefs and Attitudes: a Comparison Between Turkey and Palestine(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2018) Menawi, Wafaa Allam; Tengilimoglu, Dilaver; Dziegielewski, Sophia F.The purpose of this study is to identify the beliefs and attitudes that influence health-related behavior while comparing two countries that can have different political and economic structures. This study also gathers both Turkish and Palestinian citizens' beliefs and attitudes towards health determinants. To assess and compare citizens' attitudes toward health care and health determinants a total of 4,100 questionnaires were distributed, whereas 2,600 were distributed in Turkey, and another 1,500 questionnaires in the Palestine. According to the research, the individuals surveyed in Turkey noted that smoking, stress, and getting access to a medical institution were noted as the most influential determinants which affect their health; whereas, the people of Palestine thought that income status, and educational levels were the most influential factors in health. In addition, it was found that there were some statistically significant differences between participants' responses in Turkey and Palestine; however, what both samples shared was that economic factors were an important factor affecting health beliefs and attitudes, regardless of where a participant lived. Finally, comparisons and future recommendations are made to improve health-related beliefs, attitudes and behaviors in both countries.Article Citation - WoS: 4Citation - Scopus: 5Forecasting Turkish Local Elections(Elsevier, 2012) Toros, EmreThe literature on political forecasting is large, although the main focus of this literature is limited to a number of countries. Nevertheless, and despite the major differences between political systems, scientific forecasting work has proved to be broadly possible, with noteworthy extensions to new countries. This article extends the literature further by developing a new forecasting model for local elections in Turkey. The basic motivation of this article is to test the usefulness of political forecasting in the contexts of alternative democratic settings. Turkey, in that sense, seems to be an interesting case for a number of reasons. First, the Turkish Republic has been a multi-party democracy since the mid-1940s. Although it has been interrupted by three military coups, the party and election system in Turkey has brought real alternations in the government starting from very early years of the multi-party system. So, it is plausible to argue that Turkish voters have the tradition of evaluating the performances of political parties, as in any other Western-type democracy. That is to say, the dynamics of evaluations of political parties in Turkey follow a similar pattern to other contemporary democracies, being driven by economic and political forces. The main contribution of this analysis is the introduction of an explicit model, which can forecast the impact of economic and political variables across local elections in Turkey by using reliable, public, and macro-level data. In particular, this study offers a new forecasting model which tries to forecast the Justice and Development Party's (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AKP) vote share in 81 cities. (C) 2012 International Institute of Forecasters. Published by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.Book Non-Discrimination in Turkey(Springer International Publishing, 2022) Yilmaz,G.The book “Non-discrimination in Turkey” focuses on issue areas within the broader non-discrimination framework in Turkey. It looks domestic change in Turkey regarding non-discrimination across time. The book unpacks the principle of non-discrimination and provides analysis in many issue areas like LGBTI rights, disability rights or age discrimination that rely under the framework of non-discrimination. Adopting a comprehensive approach including many areas within non-discrimination, the book will be useful for the students, scholars and researchers of international relations, political science, Middle East and Turkish studies and those interested in human rights. © The Editor(s)(if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022.Article The Weak Link in the Chain: The (Surprisingly) Loose Ties Between Migrant Women and Women's Organizations in Turkey(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2026) Gencoglu, Funda; Ozgur Keysan, AsumanThis article examines the fragmented solidarities between women's organizations and Syrian migrant women in Turkey, focusing on & Idot;stanbul, Gaziantep, and & Idot;zmir, the cities with the highest concentrations of Syrian migrants. Drawing on semi-structured interviews conducted with representatives from 25 women's organizations, the study investigates why feminist solidarity has remained elusive despite the shared gendered vulnerabilities of migrant women and Turkish women. The findings reveal that women's organizations are divided in their approaches to migrant women due to differing conceptualizations of the state, intersectionality, and traditional gender roles, as well as the cultural and socio-economic heterogeneity of Syrian women. These divisions are further compounded by structural constraints that limit opportunities for engagement and reinforce exclusionary attitudes. By situating these dynamics within the broader context of transnational feminist debates, the article argues that feminist solidarity is not a given but a contested and context-dependent process that requires active efforts to bridge divides. The study contributes to scholarship on migration and feminist solidarity by foregrounding the intersecting dimensions of gender, class, ethnicity, and state-civil society dynamics, emphasizing the need for rights-based, transformative solidarities over charity-based approaches. The article concludes with implications for feminist politics, migration policy, and pathways for future research, offering insights into fostering inclusive solidarities in global migration contexts.Article Citation - WoS: 45Citation - Scopus: 58Europeanisation or De-Europeanisation? Media Freedom in Turkey (1999-2015)(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2016) Yilmaz, GozdeThe European Union (EU) has successfully been exercising its transformative power through both its enlargement and its neighbourhood policies for decades. Nonetheless, transformation towards a more European model of governance through Europeanisation is not a linear process, but a differentiated one. Adverse consequences for Europeanisation (i.e. de-Europeanisation) have often been neglected. The case of media freedom in Turkey, with a deteriorating trend across time, exemplifies such an outcome. This article explores media freedom in Turkey in the last decade. It argues that media reforms have been reversed over time in a de-Europeanising trend, with the EU losing its position as a reference point for reforms.Article An Example of the Implementation of the Principle of Peace in Turkish Foreign Policy During the Ataturk Period: the Case of the Spanish Civil War(Hale Sivgin, 2022) Birlik, Gultekin K.Although many European countries took sides during the Spanish Civil War, Thrkey adopted the policy of "non-intervention". In this context, Turkey forbid selling weapons to the parties in the Civil War and the Turkish civilains to join the war. Although Turkey was negatively affected by the Civil War particularly in terms of domestic andforeign politics, she demanded that the Civil War should be settled down through peaceful ways in accordance with her policy orpeace at home peace in the world". Although the Civil War progressed against the Republicans, Turkey officially recognised the elected government of The Republicans during the Civil War. Only after the Civil War ended and it was recognised internationally, Turkey recognised the Nationalist government and sent diplomatic representative, which was a mutual act. As part of this policy, Turkey was closely concerned with the humanitarian side of the Civil War. In case of the most serious issue of the Civil War, that is the refugees, she decided to solve the problem of the Spanish Nationalist refugees in Madrid that took refuge in Turkey in line with her political tradition and took steps in the direction of bringing them to Turkey in 1937. In 1938, when the Republican Government interfered with the Spanish Nationalist Refugees that took refuge in Turkey, she showed numerous reactions. Although Turkey o f ficially recognised the elected Republican Government, during the Civil War, when needed, she offered humanitarian help to both the Nationalist and the Republican sides. Although the Thrkish media supported both sides, in line with Turkish foreign policy, it defended the idea that the Spanish domestic affairs should not be interfered with, the process of solution should be left to the Spanish people themselves and the problem should be solved peacefully.Article Citation - WoS: 2Citation - Scopus: 2Legislative Committees in the Turkish Parliament: Performing Procedural Minimum or Effective Scrutiny?(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2023) Bektas, Eda; Political Science and Public AdministrationThis study examines committee influence on government bills during the AKP's 2011-2015 majority government term in Turkey, an era characterised by democratic backsliding. It explores whether committees introduce more substantial amendments to government bills when they draw on their scrutiny powers (i.e. hearing sponsoring ministers, hearing stakeholders, forming subcommittees, secondary committee review) providing them diverse information and policy expertise. I hypothesise and test under what conditions committees use these competencies to initiate substantial changes. Overall findings based on a novel dataset indicate that legislative committees introduce more substantial amendments to government bills when they consult with sponsoring ministers and stakeholders. These findings suggest that the formal capabilities of legislative committees provide opportunities for legislators to influence government legislation even in adverse political contexts, as these mechanisms limit the government's ability to impose its legislative agenda unilaterally. It contributes to the debates on strengthening legislatures for effective government scrutiny.Article Citation - WoS: 6Citation - Scopus: 6On Social Integration Process With Refugees in Turkey: How Can Ngos Be More Effective?(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2021) Seyidov, Ilgar; Seyidov, Ilgar; Seyidov, Ilgar; Public Relations and Advertising; Public Relations and AdvertisingAccording to the statistics of UN, more than 6.5 million people have been internally displaced since the Syrian crisis in 2011. There are also more than 13.1 million people in need in Syria. Approximately 5.6 million people have become refugees in various countries, mostly in Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordan. Among the countries welcoming displaced Syrians, Turkey is at the top, hosting over 3.5 million refugees. Governmental agencies, and I/NGOs (non-governmental organisations) are working together to meet the needs of Syrian refugees in Turkey. In this context, the social integration of refugees into the host community has become prominent. This study is focused on the positive and negative aspects of this social integration process in Turkey. By positive aspect, the positive contributions were meant, on the other hand, negative aspects are used to illustrate the shortcomings of the social integration process. In the research, in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted with the supervisors of refugee- oriented programmes implemented by NGOs. The focus is on the evaluation of social integration and the role of civil society organisations in this process. The main purpose is to discuss the current situation and to elicit different perspectives on the development of social integration process.Article Citation - WoS: 38Citation - Scopus: 43An Unfinished Grassroots Populism: the Gezi Park Protests in Turkey and Their Aftermath(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2015) Ozen, HayriyeFocusing on the Gezi protests, this study addresses two questions: How did a particular struggle against the demolition of a park spontaneously turn into nationwide mass protests? And why was this mobilisation unable to transform itself into a popular counter-hegemonic movement? Drawing on the Laclauian concept of populism, I demonstrate that Gezi mobilised various groups by turning into a symbol of the repressive responses of the hegemonic power to various social demands. This popular mobilisation could not go beyond a conjunctural experience due to its inability to unify heterogeneous protesters and to respond effectively to the counter-strategies of the hegemonic power.
