Browsing by Author "Toros, Emre"

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Anayasal vatandaşlık; 1982 Anayasası üzerine bir inceleme
(2010) Fırat, İsmail; Toros, Emre; Department of Public Administration and Political Science
Özellikle küreselleşmenin siyasal, sosyal ve ekonomik yansımaları olmak üzere son dönemde yaşanan gelişmeler, ulus-devlet pratiklerini farklı boyutlarda tartışılır hale getirmektedir. Bu sürecin bir sonucu olarak, geleneksel vatandaşlık tanımları da çokkültürlülük ekseninde eleştirel bir gözle değerlendirilmektedir. ?Anayasal Vatandaşlık? kavramı da söz konusu tartışmalar çerçevesinde ön plana çıkan tanımlardan birini oluşturmaktadır. Söz konusu kavram, Türkiye'de de 1990'lı yıllardan bu yana tartışılmaktadır.Bu çalışmanın amacı, Anayasal Vatandaşlık kavramının incelenmesi ve Türkiye'de 1982 Anayasası temelinde şekillenen vatandaşlık pratikleri ile karşılaştırılmasıdır. Anayasal vatandaşlık, bu bağlamda, hak ve özgürlükler, kimlik ve devlet tartışmalarına paralel olarak, kavramsal ve kuramsal çerçevede incelenmektedir. Bunun yanı sıra, anayasal vatandaşlık kavramının içinde barındırdığı özellikler, 1982 Anayasası'ndaki tanımlanan vatandaşlık kavramı ile karşılaştırılmakta, Türkiye'de son dönemde vatandaşlık uygulamalarında karşılaşılan sorunlara yönelik önerilerde bulunulmaktadır.Anahtar Kelimeler: Anayasal Vatandaşlık, 1982 Anayasası, , Anayasal Devlet, Hak ve Özgürlükler, Kimlik
Citation Count: 0
Media and democracy in Turkey An analysis on the news media framing of Gezi Park protests
(Routledge, 2016) Sayin, Cagkan; Toros, Emre; Department of Public Administration and Political Science
[No Abstract Available]
Citation Count: 1
Media and democracy in Turkey: An analysis on the news media framing of Gezi Park protests
(Taylor and Francis, 2016) Sayin,Ç.; Toros,E.; Department of Public Administration and Political Science
Introduction Freedom of the press is typically considered crucial in fostering democracy and protecting the public interest; thus, it constitutes an indispensable measure for the quality of democracy and may be considered a hallmark of a consolidated democracy. Merkel’s (2004) notion of embedded democracy postulates press freedom as a critical aspect of political rights, which is one of the five partial regimes that support the proper functioning of an embedded liberal democracy. Those rights render the public sphere an independent field of political action in which communicative and organizational power is developed. Accordingly, a free press is a vital component of political communication and political parti-cipation through the distribution and reception of information; political social-ization of the public; the influencing of electoral decisions; and giving voice to interest groups. Within a liberal democratic framework the media’s democratic functions are idealized through two major expectations. First, the media should sustain the presence of multiple political voices (plurality). Second, it should impart information enabling the public to hold elected and appointed officials respons-ible for their actions (accountability). For example, both Walter Lippman and John Dewey (cited in Champlin and Knoedler 2006) attributed a considerable role to the media in a democracy. The former considered the media as an elite group that should evaluate the policies of government and convey information to the public regarding ongoing key debates. The latter viewed the media as a necessary instrument of democracy which should “figure out how to engage the entire public in decisions that would affect them in the end” (quoted in Fallows 1997: 237). However, it is difficult to argue that media discourse regularly meets these expectations, even in a consolidated democracy. The media do not always produce news that serves to enhance democracy due to issues such as patronage networks, distorted relationships between journalists and politicians, concentra-tion of media ownership, partisanship, and explicit political/ideological bias of media institutions. Indeed, rather than encouraging active citizenship and demo-cratic participation, the media generally function in a manner that promotes apathy, pessimism, conflict, and societal polarization. In Gamson et al.‘s (1992: 373) words, “all the trends seem to be in the wrong direction - toward more and more messages, from fewer and bigger producers, saying less and less. That’s the bad news.” Thus, far from the idea of objectivity, the media represent a realm of struggle in which the dominant powers compete and defend what they would prefer to have taken for granted by society. In other words, since media fol-lowers construct meanings about social and political issues via media-generated images of the world, media discourse is highly oriented toward finding support for competing constructions of reality. Within this framework, one may argue that the Turkish media are no excep-tion. Our main argument underpins the fact that, in the sense of plurality, media-generated frames may be compatible with democratic norms, and thus they may contribute to the consolidation of democracy and enhance democratic sensitivity. Yet, the very same frames may be utilized in an anti-democratic tonality, which would undermine the consolidation of democracy in any given context. What we mean by tonality is the construction of a frame. It connotes the underlying polit-ical and cultural fundamentals of a specific frame in terms of constructing and presenting the reality. We argue that the mere presence of variety in the sources of information and in the range of media content (e.g., multiple frames) cannot be interpreted as a sure sign of democracy or democratic consolidation. It is the nature of those voices (their tonality) that renders them democratic or antidemocratic. In this study, we will focus on the contents of the headline news reports of six newspapers during the Gezi Park protests in Turkey, which was a crucial social movement that generated competing news frames. The protests, which occurred between May and August, 2013, originated from a campaign against the destruc-tion of Gezi Park as part of the redevelopment of the Taksim area in Istanbul. On May 30, 2013 police intervened in a peaceful demonstration held by environ-mentalists in Gezi Park. The offensive response of the authorities touched a nerve and within a couple of days the protests spanned almost all provinces of Turkey. The cause of this great anger was not just the destruction of a park. It was also a reaction against the government’s increasingly authoritarian and exclusive attitude, suppressive tactics against opposition, and its unwillingness to respect different lifestyles. During the protests, the authorities provoked the anger by repeatedly showing intolerance of any form of protest. Regretfully, the mainstream national media, which had already been controlled by the govern-ment, exhibited self-censorship and conveyed little of the protests at the very beginning of the events. This directed people mostly to social media in order to communicate and learn about the events. In conducting this analysis, the headline news covered during that period will be coded in two ways. The first coding, following Toros (2012), will analyze the level of plurality within the Turkish media by employing the categories of pre-defined frames by Neuman et al. (1992) and Semetko and Valkenburg (2000), namely responsibility, human interest, conflict, morality, and economic frames. The second coding will focus on the tonality of those frames in terms of their compatibility with the norms of a liberal pluralistic democracy such as tolerance, equality, rule of law, justice, acceptance of cultural diversity, giving voice to multiple actors, respect for other lifestyles, opinions, and fundamental freedoms. © 2016 selection and editorial material, Cengiz Erisen and Paul Kubicek; individual chapters, the contributors.
Radikal demokrasi ve Türkiye'deki siyasi partiler(Radikal demokrasi kuramlarına 60. yasama döneminde TBMM'de grubu bulunan partilerin bakış açıları)
(2010) Baytok, Erol; Toros, Emre; Department of Public Administration and Political Science
Bu tezin amacı politik kuramcılar Chantal Mouffe ve Ernesto Laclau tarafından kaleme alınan ?Hegemonya ve Sosyalist Strateji?de incelenen Radikal Demokrasi Kuramı'nın Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi'nde (TBMM) grubu bulunan siyasi partilerin programlarında nasıl ele alındığını incelemektir. Bu çalışmada nitel araştırma yöntemi kullanılmıştır.?Radikal Demokrasi? projesi dünyada demokrasi krizinin yaşandığı bir dönemde ortaya atılan önemli bir tez olmuştur. 20. yüzyılın, son çeyreğinde yaşadığı yüzyılın ikinci büyük ekonomik krizin olgunlaştığı aynı dönemde post-Marksist eğilimlerin de ortaya çıkan ihtiyacı karşılamak amacıyla mevcut siyasanın yeniden okunmasıyla geliştiğini söylemek mümkündür.Çalışmada Türkiye gibi demokrasinin hala tam olarak kurumsallaşmadığı, özümsenmediği bir toplumda dünyadaki demokrasi ile ilgili sorunlara çare olma iddiasıyla ortaya çıkan bir kuram incelenmiştir.Farklı toplumsal düşüncelerin siyaset arenasında yer almasının, temel hakların ve özgürlüklerin tam anlamıyla uygulanmasının ve uygulanırlığının denetlenmesinin önemli kontrol araçlarından siyasal partiler, Radikal Demokrasi modelinin toplum tarafından benimsenmesinde ve devlet aracılığıyla gündelik yaşama yerleştirilmesinde başrol oynarlar.Türkiye Millet Meclisi'nde (TBMM) grubu bulunan dört siyasi partinin, AK Parti, CHP, MHP ve BDP'nin programları Radikal Demokrasi Kuramı açısından incelenmiştir. Gerçekleştirilen bu incelemenin sonunda parti programlarının Radikal Demokrasi modeli ile uyumluluk düzeylerinin tatmin edici olmadığı belirtilmiştir.
Sivil toplum ve demokratik konsolidasyon; Türkiye örneği
(2015) Aydın, Tuğba; Toros, Emre; Department of Public Administration and Political Science
Bu çalışma Türkiye'de demokratik konsolidasyonun sağlanmasında sivil toplumun rolünü incelemektedir. Çalışma, sivil toplumun teorik ve kavramsal içeriğini inceleyerek demokratik konsolidasyon ile olan ilişkisini analiz etmektedir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, sivil toplumun demokratik konsolidasyon ile olan ilişkisini Türkiye örneği üzerinde incelemektir.
Citation Count: 2
Social and Economic Indicators of Household Income in Turkey: Does Ethnicity Matter?
(Springer, 2018) Toros, Emre; Cilasun, Seyit; Toros, Aykut; Department of Public Administration and Political Science; Department of Business
In Turkey, the GDP per capita of eastern regions, where the Kurdish population is dense, is significantly lower than that of the rest of the country. The aim of this paper is to provide a quantitative analysis to investigate the contribution of household characteristics and regional disparities on racial/ethnic inequalities in household income, particularly across Turks and Kurds. Based on the results of regression-based decomposition analyses, there exist significant income differences between Turks and Kurds. However, this difference significantly diminishes if the household head is working. It is also observed that the household income increases with education, while decreases with migration and being settled in economically disadvantaged regions. Results also indicate that differential returns to Turks and Kurds on observable characteristics are lower in higher income quintiles
Citation Count: 2
Social media use and political participation: the Turkish case
(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2022) Toros, Secil; Toros, Emre; Industrial Design; Department of Public Administration and Political Science
The freedom of media is an essential component for democratic settings; however, in some contexts, citizens experience several barriers to enjoy this right in full. Replacing conventional media channels, social media is becoming an indispensable medium to express and discuss politics in such environments. Yet, there is little consensus in the literature about how social media relates to offline political participation, especially in settings where citizens do not experience media freedom in full. By using survey data that has been collected after the Turkish general election of 2018, this article aims to display the relationship between social media use and offline political participation. The analysis reveals offline political participation is related to sharing political views online and exposure to alternative political ideas.
Türkiye'de oy verme davranışı: MHP örneği
(2013) Zaim, Aydın; Toros, Emre; Department of Public Administration and Political Science
Demokratik toplumlarda siyasi hayatın bir parçası olan seçimler ülkemiz için son derece önemlidir. Seçimlerin sonucunu belirleyen seçmen tercihlerini anlamak için oy verme davranışlarını incelememiz gereklidir. Oy verme davranışı çok değişkenli faktörler sonucunda ortaya çıkmaktadır. Çalışma içerisinde Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi'ne oy verme eğiliminde olan seçmenlerin oy verme davranışlarıyla ilgili bir model ortaya konulmuştur. Modelimiz, Sosyo-Ekonomik Faktörler, İdeoloji Dindarlık, İslamcılık, Muhafazakârlık, Milliyetçilik, Medya Takibi ve Sorunlar değişkenlerine bağlı olarak tasarlanmıştır. Çalışma kapsamında teorik arka planda bahsedilen konularla, modelin analizlerinden sonra ortaya çıkan sonuçların uyum içerisinde olduğu gözlenmiştir. İncelediğim parti olan Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi için sonuçlar yön gösterici olma niteliği taşımaktadır.Anahtar Sözcükler1. Oy verme davranışı2. Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi3. Oy verme modeli4. Milliyetçilik5. Seçim
Citation Count: 0
A whole new ball game or not? A comparative analysis on the content of the print media news and tweets circling the November 2015 Turkish Election
(Taylor and Francis, 2021) Toros,S.; Toros,E.; Industrial Design; Department of Public Administration and Political Science
[No abstract available]
Citation Count: 0
A whole new ball game or not? a comparative analysis on the content of the print media news and tweets circling the November 2015 Turkish Election
(Routledge, 2021) Toros, Secil; Toros, Emre; Industrial Design; Department of Public Administration and Political Science
[No Abstract Available]