Browsing by Author "Ozen, Hayriye"
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Review Citation - WoS: 1Acting Locally: Local Environmental Mobilizations and Campaigns(Sage Publications Ltd, 2013) Ozen, Hayriye; Department of Public Administration and Political Science[No Abstract Available]Article Citation - WoS: 14Citation - Scopus: 18Interactions in and Between Strategic Action Fields: a Comparative Analysis of Two Environmental Conflicts in Gold-Mining Fields in Turkey(Sage Publications inc, 2011) Ozen, Hayriye; Ozen, Sukru; Department of Public Administration and Political ScienceThis study addresses how multinational corporations and protesters in an environmental struggle learn from the proximate struggles within the same field and how they structure the broader institutional field. Drawing on the literature integrating the social movement and new institutional theory, particularly the "strategic action fields" (SAFs) approach of Fligstein and McAdam, the authors comparatively study the interactions in and between two sequential environmental struggles in the field of gold mining in Turkey. The findings suggest that the interactive processes in an SAF and their consequences are largely built on the lessons drawn from both "successes" and "failures" in the proximate SAF that preceded it. Furthermore, those actors that act proactively are more likely to stabilize the SAF according to their interests. Finally, state interventions from the outside create temporary stability that involves the acquiescence of challengers, whereas the consent-seeking actions of incumbents are more likely to generate a permanent stability, stabilizing the broader field.Article Citation - WoS: 4Citation - Scopus: 3Latent Dynamics of Movement Formation: the Kurdish Case in Turkey (1940s-1960s)(Sage Publications Ltd, 2015) Ozen, Hayriye; Department of Public Administration and Political ScienceThe attention of social movement studies has so far tended to focus on visible phases of movements, neglecting latent ones. This study argues that invisible mobilizations may be critical in preparing the groundwork of public mobilizations, particularly in authoritarian contexts. Using a process-oriented constructivist account of mobilization which incorporates insights from resistance studies, this article analyzes the Kurdish case in Turkey in the authoritarian 1940s and semi-authoritarian 1950s. Based on in-depth interviews, memoirs, newspaper reports, and official documents, it is demonstrated that a latent Kurdish dissent emerged in this period through the constitution of a sense of shared grievance and common identity both in hidden ways within the submerged networks of Kurdish students and professionals, and in public and visible, yet disguised, ways. Incubating the movement out of the gaze of the authorities within the authoritarian context, this latent dissent formed the groundwork of public acts of defiance and mobilization which emerged towards the end of the 1950s as the political changes encouraged Kurdish dissenters to publicly declare their opposition, and expanded in the more liberal context of the 1960s. Resume Les etudes des mouvements sociaux ont eu tendance jusqu'a present a privilegier les phases visibles de ces mouvements, negligeant les stades latents. Cette etude soutient que les mobilisations invisibles peuvent etre essentielles pour preparer le terrain des mobilisations publiques, en particulier dans un contexte autoritaire. En s'appuyant sur une interpretation constructiviste, axee sur le processus de mobilisation et reunissant des idees tirees des etudes des mouvements de resistance, cet article analyse le cas kurde dans la Turquie autoritaire des annees quarante et semi-autoritaire des annees cinquante. Fonde sur des entretiens approfondis, des biographies, des articles de journaux et des documents officiels, ce travail met en evidence l'apparition au cours de cette periode d'une dissidence kurde latente grace a la constitution d'un sentiment partage de mecontentement et d'identite commune au sein des reseaux secrets des etudiants et professionnels kurdes, de facon a la fois invisible et publique, mais dissimulee. Couvant a l'abri des regards des gouvernements autoritaires, cette dissidence latente a pose les bases des manifestations publiques de defiance et de mobilisation qui sont apparues a la fin des annees cinquante a l'occasion des changements politiques ayant encourage les dissidents kurdes a declarer publiquement leur opposition et favorise les mouvements sociaux dans le contexte plus liberal des annees soixante. Resumen La atencion de los estudios sobre movimientos sociales hasta ahora ha tendido a centrarse en las fases visibles de los movimientos, dejando de lado los latentes. Este estudio sostiene que las movilizaciones invisibles pueden ser centrales para la preparacion de las bases de movilizaciones publicas, en particular en contextos autoritarios. A partir de un relato constructivista orientado a los procesos de movilizacion que incorpora perspectivas de estudios de resistencia, este trabajo analiza el caso kurdo en Turquia en la decada autoritaria de 1940 y semi-autoritaria de 1950. Sobre la base de entrevistas en profundidad, memorias, informes de prensa y documentos oficiales, se demuestra que una disidencia kurda latente surgio en este periodo a traves de la constitucion de un sentimiento de agravio compartida y de identidad comun tanto en formas ocultas dentro de las redes sumergidas de estudiantes y profesionales kurdos, asi como de maneras publicos y visibles, aunque disfrazadas. Incubando el movimiento fuera de la mirada de las autoridades en el contexto autoritario, esta disidencia latente formo las bases del acto publico de rebeldia y movilizacion que surgio a finales de la decada de 1950 como los cambios politicos alentados disidentes kurdos para declarar publicamente su oposicion, y ampliado en el contexto mas liberal de la decada de 1960.Article Citation - WoS: 22Citation - Scopus: 26Located Locally, Disseminated Nationally: the Bergama Movement(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2009) Ozen, Hayriye; Department of Public Administration and Political ScienceHow and with what consequences did the Bergama struggle evolve from a local environmental campaign against the operation of a goldmine to a broader political struggle that mobilised a set of heterogeneous social groups at the national level? The constituency of and support for the Bergama struggle increased as it provided a 'discursive space' for the articulation of a disparate set of particular social demands neither mediated nor fulfilled within the existing political system in Turkey. As the Bergama movement expanded through the articulation of a number of social demands for changes in the broader economic and political structures, several status quo forces became involved in the struggle against the movement and played a crucial role in the gradual demise of the movement.Review Moral Movements and Foreign Policy(San Diego State Univ, 2011) Ozen, Hayriye; Department of Public Administration and Political Science[No Abstract Available]Article Citation - WoS: 10Citation - Scopus: 14Overcoming Environmental Challenges by Antagonizing Environmental Protesters: the Turkish Government Discourse Against Anti-Hydroelectric Power Plants Movements(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2014) Ozen, Hayriye; Department of Public Administration and Political ScienceDue to the growing public importance of environmental concerns in the contemporary world, governments that prioritize economic interests over environmental concerns may try to counter environmental challenges not by openly declaring that they do not want to consider environmental demands, but by attempting to antagonize the protesters who voice such demands. This essay explores such a governmental response by analyzing the discourse articulated by the Turkish Government against movements that oppose the construction of hydroelectric power plants (HEPPs) on environmental grounds. In particular, the analysis focuses on how HEPPs, environmental claims and demands of movements, and environmental protesters are represented within the pro-HEPP discourse, and in what ways these representations appeal to popular perceptions. It is demonstrated that the discourse of the government attempts to counter the challenges of protesters by establishing an antagonist relation between the protesters and society by representing HEPPs as crucial for the economic development and, therefore, as compatible with the interests of society as a whole. Moreover, it also attempts to achieve this through portraying the protesters as criminals and terrorists who block the economic development of the country and pose significant threats to the commonwealth, not for legitimate environmental concerns but for some dubious motives and incentives. It is concluded that, with this approach, the government has managed to gain popular consent not only for the construction of HEPPs, but also for the repression of such movements.Article Citation - WoS: 33Citation - Scopus: 35Peasants Against Mncs and the State: the Role of the Bergama Struggle in the Institutional Construction of the Gold-Mining Field in Turkey(Sage Publications Ltd, 2009) Ozen, Sukru; Ozen, Hayriye; Department of Public Administration and Political ScienceIn this article, we argue that the emergent literature that integrates the neo-institutional and social movement theories for a better understanding of institutional change offers a partial picture concerning the roles of the state and society in institutional wars due to its preoccupation with the liberal polities prevalent in the Anglo-Saxon countries. We suggest that the macro-institutional perspective that recognizes the influences of varied polities should be introduced to this emergent literature, if it is to provide a full picture. Incorporating the macro-institutional insights into the integrative approach, we examine a struggle between a group of protesters, a multinational gold-mining company and governmental actors regarding an environmental issue in Bergama, Turkey, where a statist polity mediates worldwide currents towards the neo-liberal order. The findings indicate that the Turkish state repressed the mobilizations against the neo-liberal construction of the mining field and reinforced the existing neo-liberal logic in the mining field through introducing a new regulatory framework. On the basis of the findings, we suggest that both the trajectory and consequences of institutional wars are influenced by the kind of polity in which they take place.Article Citation - WoS: 3Citation - Scopus: 4Public Policies and Social Movements: The Implications of Protest Movements on Mining Policy in Turkey(Ankara Haci Bayram veli Univ, 2010) Ozen, Hayriye; Ozen, Suekrue; Department of Public Administration and Political Science; Department of Public Administration and Political ScienceThis article proposes that public policy and social movements literatures can help each one another achieve for a better understanding of the role of social movements in the process of public policy formation. In order to illustrate this suggestion, taking insights from both types of literatures, we investigate how and to what extent the anti-gold-mining protest movements in Izmir-Bergama, Usak-Esme, Izmir-Efemcukuru, and Canakkale-Balikesir have influenced the mining policy in Turkey since 1985. The results indicate that a centralized policy-making tradition can influence atin what stage of the policy-making process protest movements emerge, and what kindssorts of tactics are pursued. The results also show that the repressive attitude against the protest movements adopted by an advocacy coalition formed between the governments and multinational companies to further enforce the existing policy, can lead to the growth of thegrowing opposition against the existing policy through the emergence of new protest movements.Article Citation - WoS: 34Citation - Scopus: 40An Unfinished Grassroots Populism: the Gezi Park Protests in Turkey and Their Aftermath(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2015) Ozen, Hayriye; Department of Public Administration and Political ScienceFocusing on the Gezi protests, this study addresses two questions: How did a particular struggle against the demolition of a park spontaneously turn into nationwide mass protests? And why was this mobilisation unable to transform itself into a popular counter-hegemonic movement? Drawing on the Laclauian concept of populism, I demonstrate that Gezi mobilised various groups by turning into a symbol of the repressive responses of the hegemonic power to various social demands. This popular mobilisation could not go beyond a conjunctural experience due to its inability to unify heterogeneous protesters and to respond effectively to the counter-strategies of the hegemonic power.Article Citation - WoS: 6Citation - Scopus: 7What Comes After Repression? the Hegemonic Contestation in the Gold-Mining Field in Turkey(Pergamon-elsevier Science Ltd, 2018) Ozen, Hayriye; Ozen, Sukru; Department of Public Administration and Political ScienceIt is widely known that many local environmental mobilizations against resource extraction projects of trans national capital have been repressed by the use of the state force in the late-industrializing world. What is less known is the aftermath of these repressions. Do they conceal all the traces of these mobilizations and lead to naturalization of the extractive operations of transnational capital at the local spaces? We address this question by examining two subsequent local environmental mobilizations in Turkey against gold-mining MNCs. Drawing on Laclauian insights on political struggles and hegemony, we first conceptualize repression of dissent not only as the repression of dissidents or protesters, but also that of protest discourse. Then, we argue that the forceful repression of the actors of those mobilizations succeeding to articulate an appealing protest discourse can make the hegemony and domination of transnational capital at the local level highly fragile, thus providing the conditions of possibility of subsequent similar mobilizations. The protest discourse constituted through such mobilizations may sediment despite the repression of protesters and become highly influential on the discursive trajectory of subsequent mobilizations. Yet, such an influence, as we also demonstrate in this study, may not only enable subsequent movements, but also limit their hegemonic capabilities.Article Citation - WoS: 23Citation - Scopus: 22What Makes Locals Protesters? a Discursive Analysis of Two Cases in Gold-Mining Industry in Turkey(Pergamon-elsevier Science Ltd, 2017) Ozen, Hayriye; Ozen, Sukru; Department of Public Administration and Political ScienceThis study addresses the question why a struggle emerges between local communities and mining MNCs. Many studies in the extant literature tend to explain the emergence of these struggles by relying on some "objective conditions" such as the characteristics of the industry, strategies of companies, features of community, and governmental policies. Drawing on Foucauldian and Laclauian insights, we argue that the analysis of such struggles should rather focus on meaning-making processes, through which each party to a struggle articulates surrounding conditions in particular ways, thereby giving shape to new meanings and identities. By comparatively examining Efemcukuru and copler goldmine cases from Turkey, in which a struggle emerges in the former but not in the latter in spite of similar conditions, we demonstrate that the emergence of struggles is mainly due to the construction of rival discourses that construct the issues of mining, environment, and development in highly different ways. We argue that already-prevalent conditions play a role in the emergence of struggles to the extent that they are employed, framed, and refrained in the rival anti-mining and pro-mining discourses. The argument goes further that the availability of anti-mining discourse when the local meaning systems are dislocated by the arrival of MNCs, as well as its popular appeal at the local level are critical in the emergence of local mobilizations against gold-mining. Finally, emphasis is put on the relational nature of struggle processes, where anti-mining and pro-mining discourses are mutually constituted and reconstituted through a constant reformulation of hegemonic strategies. (C) 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.