Toros, Emre
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Toros, Emre T., Emre Emre, Toros E., Toros E.,Toros T.,Emre Toros,E.
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Profesör Doktor
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emre.toros@atilim.edu.tr
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Department of Public Administration and Political Science
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Former Staff
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Sustainable Development Goals
1NO POVERTY
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2ZERO HUNGER
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3GOOD HEALTH AND WELL-BEING
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4QUALITY EDUCATION
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5GENDER EQUALITY
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6CLEAN WATER AND SANITATION
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7AFFORDABLE AND CLEAN ENERGY
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8DECENT WORK AND ECONOMIC GROWTH
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9INDUSTRY, INNOVATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE
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10REDUCED INEQUALITIES
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11SUSTAINABLE CITIES AND COMMUNITIES
1
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12RESPONSIBLE CONSUMPTION AND PRODUCTION
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13CLIMATE ACTION
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14LIFE BELOW WATER
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15LIFE ON LAND
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16PEACE, JUSTICE AND STRONG INSTITUTIONS
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17PARTNERSHIPS FOR THE GOALS
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Scholarly Output
20
Articles
11
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64/52
Supervised MSc Theses
4
Supervised PhD Theses
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WoS Citation Count
65
Scopus Citation Count
77
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WoS Citations per Publication
3.25
Scopus Citations per Publication
3.85
Open Access Source
0
Supervised Theses
4
| Journal | Count |
|---|---|
| Turkish Studies | 4 |
| Social Indicators Research | 3 |
| International Journal of Forecasting | 2 |
| International Conference on Management Innovation and Business Innovation (ICMIBI) -- APR 21-22, 2013 -- Singapore, SINGAPORE | 1 |
| 2010 International Conference on Humanities, Historical and Social Sciences -- FEB 26-28, 2010 -- Singapore, SINGAPORE | 1 |
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Master Thesis Radikal Demokrasi ve Türkiye'deki Siyasi Partiler(radikal Demokrasi Kuramlarına 60. Yasama Döneminde Tbmm'de Grubu Bulunan Partilerin Bakış Açıları)(2010) Baytok, Erol; Toros, EmreBu tezin amacı politik kuramcılar Chantal Mouffe ve Ernesto Laclau tarafından kaleme alınan ?Hegemonya ve Sosyalist Strateji?de incelenen Radikal Demokrasi Kuramı'nın Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi'nde (TBMM) grubu bulunan siyasi partilerin programlarında nasıl ele alındığını incelemektir. Bu çalışmada nitel araştırma yöntemi kullanılmıştır.?Radikal Demokrasi? projesi dünyada demokrasi krizinin yaşandığı bir dönemde ortaya atılan önemli bir tez olmuştur. 20. yüzyılın, son çeyreğinde yaşadığı yüzyılın ikinci büyük ekonomik krizin olgunlaştığı aynı dönemde post-Marksist eğilimlerin de ortaya çıkan ihtiyacı karşılamak amacıyla mevcut siyasanın yeniden okunmasıyla geliştiğini söylemek mümkündür.Çalışmada Türkiye gibi demokrasinin hala tam olarak kurumsallaşmadığı, özümsenmediği bir toplumda dünyadaki demokrasi ile ilgili sorunlara çare olma iddiasıyla ortaya çıkan bir kuram incelenmiştir.Farklı toplumsal düşüncelerin siyaset arenasında yer almasının, temel hakların ve özgürlüklerin tam anlamıyla uygulanmasının ve uygulanırlığının denetlenmesinin önemli kontrol araçlarından siyasal partiler, Radikal Demokrasi modelinin toplum tarafından benimsenmesinde ve devlet aracılığıyla gündelik yaşama yerleştirilmesinde başrol oynarlar.Türkiye Millet Meclisi'nde (TBMM) grubu bulunan dört siyasi partinin, AK Parti, CHP, MHP ve BDP'nin programları Radikal Demokrasi Kuramı açısından incelenmiştir. Gerçekleştirilen bu incelemenin sonunda parti programlarının Radikal Demokrasi modeli ile uyumluluk düzeylerinin tatmin edici olmadığı belirtilmiştir.Book Part Citation - Scopus: 1Media and Democracy in Turkey: an Analysis on the News Media Framing of Gezi Park Protests(Taylor and Francis, 2016) Sayin,Ç.; Toros,E.Introduction Freedom of the press is typically considered crucial in fostering democracy and protecting the public interest; thus, it constitutes an indispensable measure for the quality of democracy and may be considered a hallmark of a consolidated democracy. Merkel’s (2004) notion of embedded democracy postulates press freedom as a critical aspect of political rights, which is one of the five partial regimes that support the proper functioning of an embedded liberal democracy. Those rights render the public sphere an independent field of political action in which communicative and organizational power is developed. Accordingly, a free press is a vital component of political communication and political parti-cipation through the distribution and reception of information; political social-ization of the public; the influencing of electoral decisions; and giving voice to interest groups. Within a liberal democratic framework the media’s democratic functions are idealized through two major expectations. First, the media should sustain the presence of multiple political voices (plurality). Second, it should impart information enabling the public to hold elected and appointed officials respons-ible for their actions (accountability). For example, both Walter Lippman and John Dewey (cited in Champlin and Knoedler 2006) attributed a considerable role to the media in a democracy. The former considered the media as an elite group that should evaluate the policies of government and convey information to the public regarding ongoing key debates. The latter viewed the media as a necessary instrument of democracy which should “figure out how to engage the entire public in decisions that would affect them in the end” (quoted in Fallows 1997: 237). However, it is difficult to argue that media discourse regularly meets these expectations, even in a consolidated democracy. The media do not always produce news that serves to enhance democracy due to issues such as patronage networks, distorted relationships between journalists and politicians, concentra-tion of media ownership, partisanship, and explicit political/ideological bias of media institutions. Indeed, rather than encouraging active citizenship and demo-cratic participation, the media generally function in a manner that promotes apathy, pessimism, conflict, and societal polarization. In Gamson et al.‘s (1992: 373) words, “all the trends seem to be in the wrong direction - toward more and more messages, from fewer and bigger producers, saying less and less. That’s the bad news.” Thus, far from the idea of objectivity, the media represent a realm of struggle in which the dominant powers compete and defend what they would prefer to have taken for granted by society. In other words, since media fol-lowers construct meanings about social and political issues via media-generated images of the world, media discourse is highly oriented toward finding support for competing constructions of reality. Within this framework, one may argue that the Turkish media are no excep-tion. Our main argument underpins the fact that, in the sense of plurality, media-generated frames may be compatible with democratic norms, and thus they may contribute to the consolidation of democracy and enhance democratic sensitivity. Yet, the very same frames may be utilized in an anti-democratic tonality, which would undermine the consolidation of democracy in any given context. What we mean by tonality is the construction of a frame. It connotes the underlying polit-ical and cultural fundamentals of a specific frame in terms of constructing and presenting the reality. We argue that the mere presence of variety in the sources of information and in the range of media content (e.g., multiple frames) cannot be interpreted as a sure sign of democracy or democratic consolidation. It is the nature of those voices (their tonality) that renders them democratic or antidemocratic. In this study, we will focus on the contents of the headline news reports of six newspapers during the Gezi Park protests in Turkey, which was a crucial social movement that generated competing news frames. The protests, which occurred between May and August, 2013, originated from a campaign against the destruc-tion of Gezi Park as part of the redevelopment of the Taksim area in Istanbul. On May 30, 2013 police intervened in a peaceful demonstration held by environ-mentalists in Gezi Park. The offensive response of the authorities touched a nerve and within a couple of days the protests spanned almost all provinces of Turkey. The cause of this great anger was not just the destruction of a park. It was also a reaction against the government’s increasingly authoritarian and exclusive attitude, suppressive tactics against opposition, and its unwillingness to respect different lifestyles. During the protests, the authorities provoked the anger by repeatedly showing intolerance of any form of protest. Regretfully, the mainstream national media, which had already been controlled by the govern-ment, exhibited self-censorship and conveyed little of the protests at the very beginning of the events. This directed people mostly to social media in order to communicate and learn about the events. In conducting this analysis, the headline news covered during that period will be coded in two ways. The first coding, following Toros (2012), will analyze the level of plurality within the Turkish media by employing the categories of pre-defined frames by Neuman et al. (1992) and Semetko and Valkenburg (2000), namely responsibility, human interest, conflict, morality, and economic frames. The second coding will focus on the tonality of those frames in terms of their compatibility with the norms of a liberal pluralistic democracy such as tolerance, equality, rule of law, justice, acceptance of cultural diversity, giving voice to multiple actors, respect for other lifestyles, opinions, and fundamental freedoms. © 2016 selection and editorial material, Cengiz Erisen and Paul Kubicek; individual chapters, the contributors.Master Thesis Sivil Toplum ve Demokratik Konsolidasyon; Türkiye Örneği(2015) Aydın, Tuğba; Toros, EmreBu çalışma Türkiye'de demokratik konsolidasyonun sağlanmasında sivil toplumun rolünü incelemektedir. Çalışma, sivil toplumun teorik ve kavramsal içeriğini inceleyerek demokratik konsolidasyon ile olan ilişkisini analiz etmektedir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, sivil toplumun demokratik konsolidasyon ile olan ilişkisini Türkiye örneği üzerinde incelemektir.Article Citation - WoS: 4Citation - Scopus: 5Forecasting Turkish Local Elections(Elsevier, 2012-10) Toros, EmreThe literature on political forecasting is large, although the main focus of this literature is limited to a number of countries. Nevertheless, and despite the major differences between political systems, scientific forecasting work has proved to be broadly possible, with noteworthy extensions to new countries. This article extends the literature further by developing a new forecasting model for local elections in Turkey. The basic motivation of this article is to test the usefulness of political forecasting in the contexts of alternative democratic settings. Turkey, in that sense, seems to be an interesting case for a number of reasons. First, the Turkish Republic has been a multi-party democracy since the mid-1940s. Although it has been interrupted by three military coups, the party and election system in Turkey has brought real alternations in the government starting from very early years of the multi-party system. So, it is plausible to argue that Turkish voters have the tradition of evaluating the performances of political parties, as in any other Western-type democracy. That is to say, the dynamics of evaluations of political parties in Turkey follow a similar pattern to other contemporary democracies, being driven by economic and political forces. The main contribution of this analysis is the introduction of an explicit model, which can forecast the impact of economic and political variables across local elections in Turkey by using reliable, public, and macro-level data. In particular, this study offers a new forecasting model which tries to forecast the Justice and Development Party's (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AKP) vote share in 81 cities. (C) 2012 International Institute of Forecasters. Published by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.Book Part Media and Democracy in Turkey an Analysis on the News Media Framing of Gezi Park Protests(Routledge, 2016) Sayin, Cagkan; Toros, Emre[No Abstract Available]Article Citation - WoS: 8Citation - Scopus: 11Negative Campaigning in Turkish Elections(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2015-09-11) Toros, EmreThe academic literature on negative campaigning is growing. As an attempt to contribute to the theoretical and empirical knowledge on the phenomena, this study focuses on the Turkish elections and tries to provide answers to the following research questions: What is the level of negativity in Turkish electoral campaigns and which factors are salient for going negative for Turkish political parties? Findings display the fact that negativity is noticeably high in Turkey, and incumbency, ideology and time focus of messages are salient factors for negativity.Conference Object Short Term Pragmatism or Long Term Ideologies: Identifying the Motivations of Voting Behaviour in Turkey With Sem(Singapore Management & Sports Science inst Pte Ltd, 2013) Toros, EmreThe main objective of this essay is to identify the motivations of voting behavior in Turkey as a function of long-term ideological and short-term pragmatic concerns. The following analysis reveals the fact the importance of these factors differ significantly for the Turkish voter and hence for the competing political parties. More specifically, where the AKP voters prioritize short term pragmatist evaluations, CHP and MHP voters utilize long term ideological assessments.Master Thesis Türkiye'de Oy Verme Davranışı: Mhp Örneği(2013) Zaim, Aydın; Toros, EmreDemokratik toplumlarda siyasi hayatın bir parçası olan seçimler ülkemiz için son derece önemlidir. Seçimlerin sonucunu belirleyen seçmen tercihlerini anlamak için oy verme davranışlarını incelememiz gereklidir. Oy verme davranışı çok değişkenli faktörler sonucunda ortaya çıkmaktadır. Çalışma içerisinde Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi'ne oy verme eğiliminde olan seçmenlerin oy verme davranışlarıyla ilgili bir model ortaya konulmuştur. Modelimiz, Sosyo-Ekonomik Faktörler, İdeoloji Dindarlık, İslamcılık, Muhafazakârlık, Milliyetçilik, Medya Takibi ve Sorunlar değişkenlerine bağlı olarak tasarlanmıştır. Çalışma kapsamında teorik arka planda bahsedilen konularla, modelin analizlerinden sonra ortaya çıkan sonuçların uyum içerisinde olduğu gözlenmiştir. İncelediğim parti olan Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi için sonuçlar yön gösterici olma niteliği taşımaktadır.Anahtar Sözcükler1. Oy verme davranışı2. Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi3. Oy verme modeli4. Milliyetçilik5. SeçimMaster Thesis Anayasal Vatandaşlık; 1982 Anayasası Üzerine Bir İnceleme(2010) Fırat, İsmail; Toros, EmreÖzellikle küreselleşmenin siyasal, sosyal ve ekonomik yansımaları olmak üzere son dönemde yaşanan gelişmeler, ulus-devlet pratiklerini farklı boyutlarda tartışılır hale getirmektedir. Bu sürecin bir sonucu olarak, geleneksel vatandaşlık tanımları da çokkültürlülük ekseninde eleştirel bir gözle değerlendirilmektedir. ?Anayasal Vatandaşlık? kavramı da söz konusu tartışmalar çerçevesinde ön plana çıkan tanımlardan birini oluşturmaktadır. Söz konusu kavram, Türkiye'de de 1990'lı yıllardan bu yana tartışılmaktadır.Bu çalışmanın amacı, Anayasal Vatandaşlık kavramının incelenmesi ve Türkiye'de 1982 Anayasası temelinde şekillenen vatandaşlık pratikleri ile karşılaştırılmasıdır. Anayasal vatandaşlık, bu bağlamda, hak ve özgürlükler, kimlik ve devlet tartışmalarına paralel olarak, kavramsal ve kuramsal çerçevede incelenmektedir. Bunun yanı sıra, anayasal vatandaşlık kavramının içinde barındırdığı özellikler, 1982 Anayasası'ndaki tanımlanan vatandaşlık kavramı ile karşılaştırılmakta, Türkiye'de son dönemde vatandaşlık uygulamalarında karşılaşılan sorunlara yönelik önerilerde bulunulmaktadır.Anahtar Kelimeler: Anayasal Vatandaşlık, 1982 Anayasası, , Anayasal Devlet, Hak ve Özgürlükler, KimlikArticle Citation - WoS: 11Citation - Scopus: 11The Relationship Between Islam and Democracy in Turkey: Employing Political Culture as an Indicator(Springer, 2009-02-25) Toros, EmreDuring the last decade the agenda of local and global politics is heavily marked by the encounter of two powerful currents, namely democracy and political Islam. On the one hand Islam as a religion itself is facing a cultural dialectic between a modern and an authentic form, producing a synthesis which is only to be criticized again by a new radical antithesis. Within that framework political Islam is perceived to be a tool for this current antithesis, attacking the states for impiety and materialism. Democracy, on the other hand, is becoming dominant as a criterion of good government, the "only game in town", with its inherent complexity which reveals itself in each particular context. The two currents are not necessarily irreconcilable, but they produce a number of different effects on each other whenever they meet. The fundamental contention of this article is to demonstrate this relationship within the Turkish setting.